Grist reported last June that activists protesting the Keystone XL tar sands pipeline throughout the midwest have been subjected to a vicious and calculating disinformation campaign by the pipeline sponsor, TransCanada.
Completion of the pipeline would be a step backward in the battle to curb global carbon emissions and slow dangerous climate change. Project opponents have been protesting peacefully and nonviolently. TransCanada, however, is not responding amicably.
According to the report, TransCanada has been characterizing demonstrators as terrorists and has been attempting to persuade the Nebraska State Patrol, FBI and Department of Homeland Security to treat them as such.
Scott Parkin, a Rainforest Action Network spokesperson, was quoted by Grist as saying, “It’s just ‘one of those situations where a corporation is being allowed to frame activists in terms that are really untrue and dishonest: as terrorists.”
This is yet another instance where a fossil fuel company has resorted to disinformation in an effort to build public support for its case. As the following excerpt from Climate Myths points out, these tactics have been going on for a long time.
From Climate Myths:
“For decades, the oil and coal industries and some of their largest industrial customers have conducted a sophisticated and wildly successful multimillion dollar campaign based in the U.S. to convince the American public that climate change is not a serious threat. The impetus for the campaign has been to protect industry profits by blocking any action designed to reduce the emission of carbon dioxide and other global heating gases produced in burning fossil fuels.
Policies such as carbon taxes and carbon caps are intended to limit the release of carbon dioxide by restraining demand for fossil fuels. Fossil fuel companies, however, have correctly concluded that crimping fuel consumption would reduce revenue and would also erode the multitrillion dollar value of their oil, coal, and gas reserves.1
Fossil fuel industry leaders have long known that as policies to address the dangers of fossil fuel burning and climate change were progressively made into law and policy, they would ultimately affect profits. Anticipating these threats to their income and wealth, large fossil fuel energy companies—and those who have made common cause with them—decades ago mounted a well-funded campaign to discredit climate science. Its architects recognized that, if successful, the campaign would provide the rationale for their political and legislative efforts to obstruct public policy efforts aimed at climate protection. The beginning and expansion of this campaign are the subjects of this book.
While the campaign has served and continues to serve a political and economic purpose for the industries behind it, it also serves the psychological need of reconciling industry’s economic interests with their version of climate science, climate economics, and the economics of climate protection. Thus those in the climate science denial camp believe themselves “on the side of the angels.”
In the political arena, the energy company campaign not only succeeded in confusing facts about climate change but also managed to undermine U.S. participation in the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, a precedent-setting international climate protection treaty discussed frequently throughout this book (see index for complete listing). The fossil fuel industry achieved this political triumph by providing the arguments that were used in turning Congressional sentiment against the Protocol.
The industrial opposition to climate science and climate-safe energy policies has grown more sophisticated and varied over the past decade. The campaign operates through dozens of industry-funded institutes, policy centers, councils, research foundations, and societies that speak for industry on climate and energy.
The climate “skeptics,” as they like to be called, include anti-government and anti-regulation conservatives and liber- tarians who oppose government action on ideological grounds. Their strategy has often been to hide ideologically based misrepresentations of climate science beneath a mantle of science.
A review of scientific publications on climate, however, reveals that whereas many thousands of high-quality scientific papers validated by peer review have been published docu- menting all phases of global warming, only a trivial number of dissenters who dispute the evidence have published in similar journals.
Moreover, by contrast, the results of climate studies confirming global warming and humanity’s role in it can be found in the most prestigious scientific journals. Almost without exception, the deniers’ reports appear in publications that are not peer reviewed, since their objections to climate science have been repeatedly refuted; thus they are of little interest to responsible, well-respected scientific publications. Finally, the national academies of science of most nations of the world have passed resolutions affirming that we are warming the planet.
Although climate change is a scientific issue, it has been adopted as a Republican “litmus test” issue by certain Republican Party spokesmen and thus public opinion surveys show that more Republicans than Democrats characterize themselves as “climate skeptics.” These individuals today appear less focused on disparaging climate science than in the past, when climate science was less settled. Nowadays they seem to have shifted tactics to focus more attention on defeating the environmental and energy policies implied by climate change concerns.
In the initial stages of the climate debate, industry proxy organizations often flatly contradicted climate science and claimed, variously, that the Earth was cooling or at least wasn’t warming, or that if the Earth was warming, the warming wasn’t due to human activity, or that if the Earth were to warm, it would be mild and beneficial.
Many of these discredited claims have been abandoned by all but diehard opponents of climate science as the global scientific consensus on climate change has strengthened and as the evidence for global warming has become overwhelming. Some deniers still persist in presenting discredited arguments, however.
For example, industrial critics of decisive action on climate change (such as the National Association of Manufacturers) made a case in Congress and with the public in 2009 that effective measures to reduce carbon emissions would bring economic disaster in the form of high taxes, lost jobs, lower productivity, and reduced competitiveness for America in world markets.
Since their arguments weren’t gaining traction in the world of science, industry-funded think tanks then spent millions of dollars making their case against climate science to more gullible media, government officials, opinion leaders, students, and the general public. Climate skeptics and their allies have thus become a major presence on the Internet, over radio, and on TV airwaves, as well as through industry-sponsored books, magazines, articles, reports, and press releases.
An unsuspecting person who uses an Internet search engine and enters terms commonly associated with climate change will be hard pressed to discern the truth amid the plethora of misleading information many of these organizations provide. Since some of the most effective arguments consist of deceptive statements wrapped in layers of truth, it can be very challenging for students and others without advanced scientific training or sophisticated rhetorical and analytical skills to sift truth from falsity without investing lots of time.
To put climate skeptics’ current claims in perspective, it is useful to review the initial 20th century phase of the energy industry’s assault on climate science and its related effort to block Federal laws and policies to combat global warming.”
For a comprehensive list of fossil fuel-industry myths complete with detailed scientific rebuttals, see Climate Myths: The Campaign Against Climate Science.
- A wholesale write-down of these reserves will occur when financiers and other investors decide that a portion of these reserves cannot be developed. These reserves contain several times as much carbon dioxide as the atmosphere holds and far more than the 565 gigatons that scientists believe it can contain before global temperatures spike more than 2° C. The complete combustion of these reserves would thus destroy the Earth’s climate. Therefore, much of these assets inevitably will have to be entirely written off for the foreseeable future.